Patricia Manderola Calata

Congo cycle of war


Most of the plastic sheets to the wood, cardboard, straw, and flattened tin cans makeshift huts are little more than scraps left over. Now in the rainy season, when the drops fall in the afternoon like a thick curtain of the sky, disappearing, not only the means but also the accommodation of some 5,000 IDPs in the camp Mugunga 1 in a stinking mixture of dirt and mud. "We have nothing to repair the roofs," complains Fikiri Jamboku, a man in his early 40, which rises each morning in his blue polyester suit, marched to the main square of the camp and wait. What he himself does not know exactly. "There is less and less help, in the month I get another three kilos of flour, a bag of dried beans and a pint of oil - the need for the entire family rich." Back the village will Jamboku not yet. "There is no work, there are no fields, and the children are sick in the damp cabin - but at least we are alive."

Like most in the Mugunga camp on the outskirts of the provincial capital of Goma in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, including Jamboku from the city of Masisi is in the same mountain region to the west. He landed almost a year ago here, fleeing from the fighting between the Congolese army, rebels of the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP) of the Tutsi General Laurent Nkunda, local Mai Mai militia and the post-genocide Rwanda Hutu extremists who fled the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FDLR). "I can not save anything," recalls Kalamiva Matata, a gray, tall man, wearing a T-shirt and a bright red baseball cap. "All I have is still in Masisi, we had to flee headlong from Nkunda's men."

But in January drew Kalamiva, Jamboku and hope to others: a joint military operation in Congo and Rwanda would force the rebel movements to the task. It was mainly against the Hutu militia, the FDLR, but highlight of the action was the arrest Nkunda on Rwandan soil. "As we have already celebrated it's back soon," said a low voice Kanyangesi Kapalata, a stooped old in a beige shirt. "But then everything was even worse. "

For instead of the hoped-for peace is in Masisi and in other parts of the province of North Kivu fought so fiercely in a long time. The FDLR have won back many of their old positions." The people it's definitely worse than before the offensive .. "said Marcel Stoessel from the relief organization Oxfam" Girls and women are brutally raped, houses burned, looted all the villages "Not only the FDLR militias, the soldiers of the underpaid Congolese army are among the perpetrators - some say they are responsible for most atrocities. "Everyone is under suspicion," says Stoessel. "There is hardly any so-called revenge attacks against the civilian population." More than 300,000 people since early this year fled from their villages.

An analyst with the UN mission, his name does not want to see printed, responsible for the increased violence in late March signed a peace treaty. "The CNDP is now officially part of the army and thus has reached places where they never had before," he says. This had angered other groups. Even the first party has terminated the contract. "I spoke last week with a Mai-Mai leader from Masisi, who has announced that they would join forces with the Hutu extremists."

Along the road from Goma to Masisi are emerging almost daily as new stock Mugunga I. From "precautionary Escape to "speak the aid workers in Goma, the attempt to avoid anticipated massacres. Like to see the aid workers already in the neighboring province of South Kivu." If the military operation will continue against the FDLR, as planned in South Kivu, it is there at least as bad as to be here, "said Stoessel.

(Copyright with the daily newspaper, 16/06/2009)

Bollywood Actresses Without Clothes Showing Boobs

Nigeria's black economy


It is a late victory. After 13 years of legal tug of war in the United States shall pay to the British-Dutch oil giant Shell 15.5 million U.S. dollars to the survivors of the Nigerian civil rights activist Ken Saro-Wiwa and his comrades. Out-of-court settlement, which was announced on Monday in New York, all the pages leave as a winner: Shell is washed legally, the applicants receive financial satisfaction and Nigeria's government may finally attract new oil investors.

the process "vs. WIVA. Shell" is based on the most notorious miscarriage of justice in Nigeria's dark history. On 10 November 1995, hanged the writer Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other activists of the civil rights movement Mosop (Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People). The bodies were doused with acid and buried in a mass grave. MOSOP had peaceful protests against the devastating environmental consequences of the Shell oil production in the Settlement area of the Ogoni above, which were violently suppressed. Their leader, Saro-Wiwa, was already known as a writer, so leading figure of non-violent resistance against Nigeria's military rule.

"Shell has dug deep into the heart of the Ogoni, Saro-Wiwa in 1990 had said at the founding of MOSOP, and after his execution, his son Ken Wiwa filed a lawsuit against Shell:" They were not the executioner, but their fingerprints are everywhere. " In order to secure millions in profits, Shell had close connections to the military dictatorship and controlled attacks on suspected rebel ordered villages.

Shell had persistent back the allegations, and over the years developed into an impenetrable network of justice. Only on 3 June was exposed to the action for direct responsibility shells at Saro-Wiwa's death by the New York district court, while another action against Shell's Nigerian subsidiary for complicity in human rights violations was admitted again. Settlement ends now achieved both procedures, "to eliminate the uncertainties, burden and expense of further ongoing process," as it says in the same font.

"My father was happy with the result," said Wiwa, who lives in London, but now as a special adviser to Nigerian President Umaru YarAdua civilian for more development in the Delta occurs. Environmental activist Nnimo Bassey, who had argued with the murdered "Ogoni Nine", is also pleased: "The comparison clearly shows that Shell is guilty Shell pays Although only a small sum, but the comparison of an overture for that is what Shell and the. other oil multinationals still waiting for you! "

The Ogoni activists have apparently reconciled with the Nigerian state. The 2007 President-elect Ken Wiwa YarAdua has not only involved as a consultant. Saro-Wiwa's successor as head of Mosop, Ledum Mitee, was head of a government commission on the future of the Niger Delta. Their final report late last year, recommends 25 instead of the known 13 percent of oil revenues to remain in the assisted areas, oil companies a Compulsory insurance against environmental damage to pay and to introduce free education.

In April 2008, Shell Nigeria's government withdrew the license for exploitation of oil fields in Ogoni land. The promotion was already set long ago, must now begin a new bidding process. Nigeria's government wants to negotiate all joint venture agreements with foreign oil companies again, with higher proportions for the Nigerian side, and a commitment to use local suppliers in the assisted areas.

"We have triumphed only when we have sustainable development in Nigeria, not only in Ogoniland," says CEO Mosop Mitee. This reform Elan trial of oil investors no longer useful. The Ogoni protesters of yore have become part of the establishment, and local radical groups have a peaceful protest turned into armed struggle. No wonder: Nigeria earns billions in oil exports, but in the Niger Delta rule misery and violence.

In Oloibiri, where in 1956 Shell allerste oil well drilled in Nigeria, the paved road ends at the beginning of the village. From here, continue unattached through the mud. Go to the house of the village elders Sunday Inengite Foster-Ikpesu must be from puddle to puddle. "No. Well Oloibiri. 1, drilled June 1956, 12,000 Feet" is on a rusty metal sign in the grass. This began 53 years ago Nigeria's oil adventure.

"We were the Oil brought nothing, "says the 72-year-old village elder." The primary school was built before the oil boom, then the secondary level. Both are greatly in need of renovation. The hospital has been abandoned for some years. The only road it was even before the oil. A water tower we have, but still no water. is electricity is not at all. "

saw in his childhood, it is different. Formerly Oloibiri the oldest and most important place in the region. There were great markets. Oloibiri was a base for missionaries and the regional government. And then you even discovered oil. But in the early 70s and many oil wells on it was over. Oloibiri fell back into poverty, without that would have caught something from his oil wealth.

"In the past I have not felt that way, but today I am very angry," says the old Sunday Foster, a wiry, friendly man with gray hair. "The boys want to fight and they are willing to die for a good cause," he warns. If he could, he would too, but he was too old. He now relies on education. ".. At that time we did not know what happens, we were ignorant, but today almost all go to school I tell my children: Do not let this happen again."

The only economy that is booming here is criminal in nature. When night falls, are the numerous waterways of the Niger Delta oil barges with the move, which was illegally siphoned from pipelines and transferred, at major ports to tankers. The profits lubricate rebel groups like the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), but also local politicians a reason for that lawlessness spread. Kidnapping of foreign oil worker, extortion from oil companies and the hiring of thugs to politicians are other sources of income of the mafia-like swamp in the Niger Delta. That the region is underdeveloped is located behind the men, the greater the need, the greater the support for the self-appointed benefactor, which has the region.

"Even with the illegal oil exports, syndicates make 60 million a day," says an insider. Nigeria threatens to damage the national bankruptcy: Due to sabotage the MEND and the withdrawal of investors and operators, the daily oil production by 2.2 million barrels, as envisaged in the budget planning for 2009, dropped to 1.38 million currently. Since the start of the fighting in Nigeria's oil region has lost state, according to government estimates 20.7 billion U.S. dollars oil revenue.

trying since mid May, more than 3,000 soldiers in the biggest military operation for years to expel the rebels and smugglers with warships and helicopters in their place. Civilians must bear the suffering, as is usual in Nigeria. Hundreds have been killed, tens of thousands waiting in the bush. In return, MEND militants have blown up five major export pipelines. On the night of Dientag was an ultimatum from the oil companies, the Niger Delta to leave.

(Copyright with the daily newspaper, 06/10/2009)